rayan
02-20 05:35 PM
I applied for H -1 extension regular processing in the month of sept 2009 in california service centre before expiration date of my H1-B(2010 Jan 22).I got RFE on DEC 18th asking for client and contractual agreements between client and vendors and i got time til Jan 29th 2010 to reply back to RFE.As i was preparing to collect all the documents to respond to my RFE ,I also applied new H 1 from same existing employer before Jan22nd 2010 in Vermont service centre.I replied back to RFE on jan 27th 2010 with client letters and letters from 2 vendors.
I got my H 1-b extension approved from California service centre on Feb 18th 2010
My question is what if my new H1 filed in vermont service centre gets rejected.Will it cause any problems to the extension that was approved.I already got my h1-b extension approval notice from uscis on FEB 18th 2010.I have'nt heard anything about my new h1 b filed on jan 21 2010 in vermont service centre.Can i continue to work on my approved extension.
Please advice me
I got my H 1-b extension approved from California service centre on Feb 18th 2010
My question is what if my new H1 filed in vermont service centre gets rejected.Will it cause any problems to the extension that was approved.I already got my h1-b extension approval notice from uscis on FEB 18th 2010.I have'nt heard anything about my new h1 b filed on jan 21 2010 in vermont service centre.Can i continue to work on my approved extension.
Please advice me
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cbpds
04-27 03:34 PM
go to .com and follow the list.
pomosideshow
03-22 03:38 PM
From My webcomic (http://www.postmodernsideshow.com/category/comics/) [postmodernsideshow.com]
Drawn by hand on a wacom enabled laptop in ps and then vectorized in ai.
Ignore the mysterious thumb pinky on my right hand.
I've lost weight since the drawing, but I still draw myself with the paunch.
http://www.postmodernsideshow.com/comics/2008-05-26-gc0097-baby-food-shame.png
Drawn by hand on a wacom enabled laptop in ps and then vectorized in ai.
Ignore the mysterious thumb pinky on my right hand.
I've lost weight since the drawing, but I still draw myself with the paunch.
http://www.postmodernsideshow.com/comics/2008-05-26-gc0097-baby-food-shame.png
2011 Life Is A Masquerade
wandmaker
02-20 12:17 PM
Guys,
My company is forcing everyone to fill I9 form. I have EAD but maintaining H1 status and did not use EAD. I did some research on I9 and it is no where mentioned that only people with EAD has to fill this. I need Guru's opinion on this.
I just don't want to loose my H1 status in any case.
I-9 should be filled by every employee, irrespective of your visa status; Go through the list A, B and C documents, it is self explanatory. This is the proof that you reported to work.
My company is forcing everyone to fill I9 form. I have EAD but maintaining H1 status and did not use EAD. I did some research on I9 and it is no where mentioned that only people with EAD has to fill this. I need Guru's opinion on this.
I just don't want to loose my H1 status in any case.
I-9 should be filled by every employee, irrespective of your visa status; Go through the list A, B and C documents, it is self explanatory. This is the proof that you reported to work.
more...
GKBest
10-25 03:09 PM
Which comes first.....card production ordered or approval sent? Are there cases when they don't update the status online with "approval sent" yet you have physically received the EAD cards. How long does it take to physically receive the cards from the date the status changed to card production ordered?
sss9i
08-19 10:58 PM
Hi
Do I need to fill G-28 Form along with I-140, I-485.
We didn't fill any form like that. Is it o.k.??
She (Attorney) is representing for Company,not representing for Client and Company, but She signed on I-140 and I-485.
I will appreciate for your input.
Do I need to fill G-28 Form along with I-140, I-485.
We didn't fill any form like that. Is it o.k.??
She (Attorney) is representing for Company,not representing for Client and Company, but She signed on I-140 and I-485.
I will appreciate for your input.
more...
Blog Feeds
04-30 12:00 PM
The New York Times reports that tomorrow Immigration and Customs Enforcement will be sending instructions to agents in field offices aimed at changing their enforcement focus from work site raids that largely resulted in mass arrests of workers to I-9 audits and undercover investigations mainly targeting employers. However, workers will still be subject to arrest. According to the Times, the guidelines are partly a response to ICE's blindsiding DHS Secretary Napolitano with an unauthorized raid on a Bellingham, Washington mechanic's shop, which I discussed here.
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/04/white-house-gearing-up-for-employer-immigration-compliance-crackdown.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/04/white-house-gearing-up-for-employer-immigration-compliance-crackdown.html)
2010 lack and white, fashion,
martinvisalaw
07-31 12:28 PM
It is very unlikely that a physical therapist would qualify for a national interest waiver. You need to show exceptional ability in the sciences, arts, or business and that you will substantially benefit the national economy, cultural, or educational interests or welfare of the United States.
more...
Macaca
11-13 06:04 PM
House Democrats Try Softening Their Tone; Lawmakers Seek Republican Votes Amid Veto Threats (http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB119491416890790655.html) By David Rogers | Wall Street Journal, Nov 13, 2007
WASHINGTON -- Down in the polls, House Democrats are showing a little more finesse as they try to move their legislative agenda around the wall of veto threats thrown up by President Bush.
Cute is out; conciliation is in. Late-night talks with Republican moderates intensified last week on the Democrats' signature health- care initiative -- extending coverage to millions of working class children. Staff negotiations continued during the holiday weekend, and Georgia Rep. Nathan Deal, a Democrat-turned-Republican with expertise on health and welfare issues, has been invited in by both sides as a broker.
House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey (D., Wis.) last week abandoned a confrontational plan to pair defense and education budgets, which would have dared the president to veto both. Instead the two bills were sent separately to Mr. Bush, who could veto the education measure as early as today. Looking ahead to the override vote, Mr. Obey took care to preserve House Republican provisions regarding abortion, child vaccines and abstinence education.
The House is scheduled Thursday to take up an antipredatory lending bill that is a showcase of cooperation between the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, Rep. Barney Frank (D., Mass.) and his ranking Republican, Rep. Spencer Bachus of Alabama.
"He called up and said why don't you come down to my office and tell me what you need to be on the bill," said Rep. Steve LaTourette (R., Ohio) of his own dealings with the chairman. Mr. Frank is a close ally of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and has urged Democrats to permit more Republican amendments as a way to change the political tone in the House.
"It's transactional -- you have to see what it brings," Mr. Frank said. "But Hubert Humphrey once said, 'Whenever I get cute, I blow it.' That's the same thing I'm saying: if you try to be too political there's a backlash."
That backlash is evident: Congress's approval rating has fallen from 31% in March to 19% this month in the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll.
A year after returning to power, House Democrats are at a crossroads. The party's early agenda -- tougher ethics rules, a minimum-wage increase and more aid for college students -- is largely in place. To go further, the majority must overcome not just presidential vetoes but the often-crippling partisan bitterness left from 12 years under Republican rule.
The war in Iraq, which permeates Washington and again divides the House this week, makes that cooperation harder. As the president lays down vetoes, he seems to prefer a divided Congress that poses less of a challenge. And the Senate's filibuster rules, which require a 60- vote supermajority just to get a bill to the White House, are an added frustration for House Democrats.
Allies of Ms. Pelosi said she could do more to take the lead and soften the tone in the House by using her power over the Rules Committee to allow more Republican amendments.
Last month's floor fight over the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act -- a controversial arena relating to the government's wiretapping activities -- is a case in point. The Rules panel disallowed all 27 Republican amendments. The minority retaliated with a procedural motion that successfully forced the bill to be withdrawn, and it still hasn't come back up for debate.
Ms. Pelosi's combative nature doesn't make such a shift easy. When the president recently accused Democrats of being led from the left by the anti-war group Code Pink, she saw it as a slight on her and responded in kind, saying Mr. Bush was acting less like "the president of the United States" than a "a junkyard dog on television every day because he has nothing to produce."
Going into 2008, the Californian said her party is well positioned on the issues most important to voters. Democrats think the child health-care fight is a long-term winner with bipartisan appeal. Party polls show her next priority, an energy bill that demands that cars be more fuel efficient, would appeal to independent voters. And tougher safety standards for imports from China is a third bipartisan issue that Democrats hope will improve Congress's image and is a reminder of Ms. Pelosi's early human-rights record on China.
"Nothing is a setback, we're going forward," she said, sitting in her Capitol office.
Ms. Pelosi's tough style borrows from her hero: the late Speaker Thomas "Tip" O'Neill of Massachusetts. Another Boston politician, and an O'Neill ally, Joseph Moakley, may be more relevant in Ms. Pelosi's predicament.
Mr. Moakley, a former chairman and long-time fixture in the House Rules Committee, lived by the maxim that he was in power to "say yes, not no."
"I always thought real power was the ability to say yes," Mr. Moakley said months before his death in 2001. "Because when I'd say yes, I found out they'd usually say yes back to me."
WASHINGTON -- Down in the polls, House Democrats are showing a little more finesse as they try to move their legislative agenda around the wall of veto threats thrown up by President Bush.
Cute is out; conciliation is in. Late-night talks with Republican moderates intensified last week on the Democrats' signature health- care initiative -- extending coverage to millions of working class children. Staff negotiations continued during the holiday weekend, and Georgia Rep. Nathan Deal, a Democrat-turned-Republican with expertise on health and welfare issues, has been invited in by both sides as a broker.
House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey (D., Wis.) last week abandoned a confrontational plan to pair defense and education budgets, which would have dared the president to veto both. Instead the two bills were sent separately to Mr. Bush, who could veto the education measure as early as today. Looking ahead to the override vote, Mr. Obey took care to preserve House Republican provisions regarding abortion, child vaccines and abstinence education.
The House is scheduled Thursday to take up an antipredatory lending bill that is a showcase of cooperation between the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, Rep. Barney Frank (D., Mass.) and his ranking Republican, Rep. Spencer Bachus of Alabama.
"He called up and said why don't you come down to my office and tell me what you need to be on the bill," said Rep. Steve LaTourette (R., Ohio) of his own dealings with the chairman. Mr. Frank is a close ally of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and has urged Democrats to permit more Republican amendments as a way to change the political tone in the House.
"It's transactional -- you have to see what it brings," Mr. Frank said. "But Hubert Humphrey once said, 'Whenever I get cute, I blow it.' That's the same thing I'm saying: if you try to be too political there's a backlash."
That backlash is evident: Congress's approval rating has fallen from 31% in March to 19% this month in the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll.
A year after returning to power, House Democrats are at a crossroads. The party's early agenda -- tougher ethics rules, a minimum-wage increase and more aid for college students -- is largely in place. To go further, the majority must overcome not just presidential vetoes but the often-crippling partisan bitterness left from 12 years under Republican rule.
The war in Iraq, which permeates Washington and again divides the House this week, makes that cooperation harder. As the president lays down vetoes, he seems to prefer a divided Congress that poses less of a challenge. And the Senate's filibuster rules, which require a 60- vote supermajority just to get a bill to the White House, are an added frustration for House Democrats.
Allies of Ms. Pelosi said she could do more to take the lead and soften the tone in the House by using her power over the Rules Committee to allow more Republican amendments.
Last month's floor fight over the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act -- a controversial arena relating to the government's wiretapping activities -- is a case in point. The Rules panel disallowed all 27 Republican amendments. The minority retaliated with a procedural motion that successfully forced the bill to be withdrawn, and it still hasn't come back up for debate.
Ms. Pelosi's combative nature doesn't make such a shift easy. When the president recently accused Democrats of being led from the left by the anti-war group Code Pink, she saw it as a slight on her and responded in kind, saying Mr. Bush was acting less like "the president of the United States" than a "a junkyard dog on television every day because he has nothing to produce."
Going into 2008, the Californian said her party is well positioned on the issues most important to voters. Democrats think the child health-care fight is a long-term winner with bipartisan appeal. Party polls show her next priority, an energy bill that demands that cars be more fuel efficient, would appeal to independent voters. And tougher safety standards for imports from China is a third bipartisan issue that Democrats hope will improve Congress's image and is a reminder of Ms. Pelosi's early human-rights record on China.
"Nothing is a setback, we're going forward," she said, sitting in her Capitol office.
Ms. Pelosi's tough style borrows from her hero: the late Speaker Thomas "Tip" O'Neill of Massachusetts. Another Boston politician, and an O'Neill ally, Joseph Moakley, may be more relevant in Ms. Pelosi's predicament.
Mr. Moakley, a former chairman and long-time fixture in the House Rules Committee, lived by the maxim that he was in power to "say yes, not no."
"I always thought real power was the ability to say yes," Mr. Moakley said months before his death in 2001. "Because when I'd say yes, I found out they'd usually say yes back to me."
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Alpha Gee
04-14 10:42 AM
You need to have an 1-485 application in at least for six months before using portability.
You can contact a body shopper and ask them to file I-140 and use your current priority date.
There is nothing else possible if you are already at your sixth year of H1B.
Dice is loaded against H1Bs.
You can contact a body shopper and ask them to file I-140 and use your current priority date.
There is nothing else possible if you are already at your sixth year of H1B.
Dice is loaded against H1Bs.
more...
Blog Feeds
05-12 11:10 AM
A lot of people influenced my decision to become an immigration lawyer nearly two decades ago, but one person that certainly deserves mention is Judge Diane Wood. I first took her international trade law class at the University of Chicago and it turned out to be my best grade in law school. I then did an independent study with Professor Wood and wrote about the integration of the European legal profession, a topic that introduced me to the subject of employment immigration law. Five years after I graduated U of C, Professor Wood was appointed by President Clinton to serve...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/judge-wood-would-be-a-friend-for-immigration-on-the-supreme-court.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/judge-wood-would-be-a-friend-for-immigration-on-the-supreme-court.html)
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Blog Feeds
02-15 09:30 PM
Shortly after we published our last post on January 29, entitled, �Is it Time for an End to the H-1B Protectionist Restrictions Applicable To TARP Recipients?�, USCIS issued guidance on precisely the issue that the post raised; that is, �whether the companies who received TARP funds, but have since repaid them to the government, are still restricted by the H-1B dependent rules?� It would be a bit presumptuous on our part to surmise that USCIS policymakers are readers of this blog -- it�s much more likely that this guidance was issued in anticipation of the impending H-1B filing season rapidly...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/h1bvisablog/2010/02/uscis-advises-that-banks-repaying-tarp-are-freed-of-h1b-filing-restrictions.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/h1bvisablog/2010/02/uscis-advises-that-banks-repaying-tarp-are-freed-of-h1b-filing-restrictions.html)
more...
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sdeshpan
04-23 01:49 PM
I believe they promise a 15-day (business days, I assume) turnaround on Premium Proc applications. So it could take anywhere between 1 and 15 days, if not longer in certain cases.
Also, why is going to India dependent on receiving on an approval of I-140??
Also, why is going to India dependent on receiving on an approval of I-140??
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sobers
05-30 05:07 PM
Aman, great job. Can't say this enough...thanks for your and the IV team's leadership.
Ever consider a career in Congress (once you become citizens, of course)??:)
Ever consider a career in Congress (once you become citizens, of course)??:)
more...
pictures lack and white, fashion,
shishya
10-12 12:33 AM
Folks,
I hope someone can help me out here. Here's my situation -- I am EB2 with PD of May 24th 2006 (current date is May 8th 2006).
I applied for my I-485 September 2008 and have had EAD for more than a year now. However, I got married in Feb 2009 (after my 485 application) and never had a chance to add my wife to the application (she's on H4).
Now, I really really want to change my job (not change of role/title, just change of company).
How does it work if I change companies now? I don't want to or rather can't use EAD since that will make my wife's status invalid. Now, if I am to get a H1B transfer, what happens with my GC application given I already have my EAD with the current company??
Please advise. Thank you!
I hope someone can help me out here. Here's my situation -- I am EB2 with PD of May 24th 2006 (current date is May 8th 2006).
I applied for my I-485 September 2008 and have had EAD for more than a year now. However, I got married in Feb 2009 (after my 485 application) and never had a chance to add my wife to the application (she's on H4).
Now, I really really want to change my job (not change of role/title, just change of company).
How does it work if I change companies now? I don't want to or rather can't use EAD since that will make my wife's status invalid. Now, if I am to get a H1B transfer, what happens with my GC application given I already have my EAD with the current company??
Please advise. Thank you!
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Macaca
12-13 06:23 PM
Intraparty Feuds Dog Democrats, Stall Congress (http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB119750838630225395.html) By David Rogers | Wall Street Journal, Dec 13, 2007
WASHINGTON -- Democrats took control of Congress last January promising a "new direction." A year later, the image that haunts them most is one symbolizing no direction at all: gridlock.
Unfinished work is piling up -- legislation to aid borrowers affected by the housing mess, rescue millions of middle-class families from a big tax increase and put stricter gas-mileage limits on the auto industry. Two months into the new fiscal year, Democrats are still scrambling just to keep the government open.
President Bush and Republicans are contributing to the impasse, but there's another factor: Intraparty squabbling between House Democrats and Senate Democrats is sometimes almost as fierce as the partisan battling.
A fracas between Democrats this week over a proposed $522 billion spending package is the latest example. The spending would keep the government running through the current fiscal year, which ends Sept. 30, 2008, but it has opened party divisions over funding the Iraq war and lawmakers' home-state projects.
After enjoying an early rise, Congress's approval ratings have fallen since the spring amid the rancor. In the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC poll, just 19% of respondents said they approved of the job Congress is doing, while 68% disapproved.
Democrats are hoping to get a boost by enacting the tougher auto- mileage standards before Christmas, but other matters, such as a farm bill to continue government price supports, are likely to wait for the new year.
Republicans suffered from the same House-Senate tensions in their 12 years of rule in Congress. But the situation is more acute now for Democrats, who must cope with both Mr. Bush's vetoes and the narrowest of margins in the Senate, leaving them vulnerable to Republican filibusters.
Democrats in the House interpret the 2006 elections as a mandate for change. They are more antiwar and more willing to shed old ways -- such as "earmarks" for legislators' pet projects -- to confront the White House. Senate Democrats, by comparison, remain more tied to tradition and institutional rules that demand consensus before taking action.
"The Senate and House are out of phase with one another," says Rep. Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee. "There was a big change last year, a big change that affected the whole House and one-third of the Senate. That's the fundamental disconnect."
Rather than move to the center after 2006, President Bush has moved right to shore up his conservative base. He has also adopted a confrontational veto strategy calculated to disrupt the new Congress and reduce its effectiveness in challenging him on Iraq.
Just yesterday, the president issued his second veto of Democrat- backed legislation to expand government-provided health insurance for the children of working-class families. In his first six years as president, Mr. Bush issued only one veto. Since Democrats took over Congress, he has issued six vetoes, and threats of more hang over the budget talks now.
For Democrats, teamwork is vital to challenging the president, and it's not always forthcoming. A comment by Charles Rangel, a New York Democrat who is chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, suggests the distant relationship between the two houses. "We have a constitutional responsibility to send legislation over there," said Rep. Rangel. "Quite frankly I don't give a damn what they feel."
Adds Wisconsin Rep. David Obey, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee: "I can tell you when bills will move and you can tell me when the Senate will sell us out."
With 2008 an election year overseen by a lame-duck president, it's unlikely that Congress will be able to break out of its slump.
Sometimes the disputes resemble play-acting. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D., Nev.) has quietly invited House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Cal.) to blame the Senate if it suits her purpose to explain the slow pace of legislation, according to a person close to Sen. Reid.
At the same time, he can use her as his foil to fend off Republican demands in the Senate: "I can't control Speaker Pelosi," he said last week in debate on an energy bill. "She is a strong independent woman. She runs the House with an iron hand."
Still, the interchamber differences have real consequences, as seen in the fight over the budget.
Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Robert Byrd of West Virginia long argued against creating a big package that would combine all the main spending bills. He preferred to confront Mr. Bush with a series of targeted individual bills where he could gain some Republican support and maintain leverage over the president. But Mr. Byrd was undercut by his leadership's failure to allow more time for debate on the Senate floor. After Labor Day, the House began pressing for a single large package.
The $522 billion proposed bill ultimately emerged from weeks of talks that included moderate Republicans. The bill cut $10.6 billion from earlier spending proposals, moving closer to Mr. Bush, while giving him new money he wanted for the State Department as well as a border-security initiative.
No new money was provided specifically for Iraq but the bill gives the Pentagon an additional $31 billion for the war in Afghanistan and body armor for troops in the field. The goal was to provide enough money for Army accounts so its funding would be adequate into April, when a fuller debate could be held on the U.S.'s plans in Iraq.
For Senate Democrats and Mr. Byrd, the effort was a gamble that a moderate center could be found to stand up to Mr. Bush. The more combative Mr. Obey, the House appropriations chairman, was never persuaded this could happen.
After the White House announced its opposition over the weekend, Mr. Obey said Monday that the budget proposal was dead unless changes were made. The effect was to divide Democrats again, instead of putting up a united front against the White House's resistance.
Mr. Obey suggested that lawmakers should be willing to strip out home-state projects, acceding to Mr. Bush's tight line on spending, if that's what it took to make a tough stand on Iraq.
"I am perfectly willing to lose every dollar on the domestic side of the ledger in order to avoid giving them money for the war without conditions," Mr. Obey said. His suggestion met strong resistance from Senate Democrats. At a party luncheon, senators were almost comic in their anger, said one colleague who was present, loudly complaining of being reduced to being "puppets" or "slaves."
On the Senate floor yesterday, Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn said Democrats were showing signs of "attention deficit disorder." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, accused the new majority of being more interested in "finger pointing" and "headlines" than legislation. "It won't get bills signed into law," he said.
While Ms. Pelosi had personally supported Mr. Obey's approach, she instructed the House committee to preserve the projects as it began a second round of spending reductions yesterday, cutting an additional $6.9 billion from the $522 billion package.
The Senate committee's Democratic staff joined in the discussions by evening, but the White House denied reports that a deal had been reached at a spending ceiling above the president's initial request.
If agreement is not reached by the end of next week, lawmakers may have to resort again to a yearlong funding resolution that effectively freezes most agencies at their current levels. This would be a repeat of the collapse of the budget process last year under Republican rule -- not the "new direction" Democrats had hoped for.
Tied in Knots
The House and Senate are struggling to complete several matters before they head home this month.
Appropriations: Only the Pentagon budget is in place for the new fiscal year that began Oct. 1. The House and Senate are struggling to finish a bill covering the rest of the government.
Farm bill: The Senate still hopes to complete its version of a farm bill but negotiations with the House will wait until next year.
AMT relief: The House and Senate have passed legislation limiting the alternative minimum tax's hit on millions of middle-class taxpayers. But they differ about whether to offset the lost revenue.
Medicare: Doctors are set to see a cut in Medicare payments in 2008, which lawmakers want to prevent. The House acted, but Senate hasn't yet.
Housing: Several bills addressing the housing crisis have passed the House but are languishing in the Senate.
WASHINGTON -- Democrats took control of Congress last January promising a "new direction." A year later, the image that haunts them most is one symbolizing no direction at all: gridlock.
Unfinished work is piling up -- legislation to aid borrowers affected by the housing mess, rescue millions of middle-class families from a big tax increase and put stricter gas-mileage limits on the auto industry. Two months into the new fiscal year, Democrats are still scrambling just to keep the government open.
President Bush and Republicans are contributing to the impasse, but there's another factor: Intraparty squabbling between House Democrats and Senate Democrats is sometimes almost as fierce as the partisan battling.
A fracas between Democrats this week over a proposed $522 billion spending package is the latest example. The spending would keep the government running through the current fiscal year, which ends Sept. 30, 2008, but it has opened party divisions over funding the Iraq war and lawmakers' home-state projects.
After enjoying an early rise, Congress's approval ratings have fallen since the spring amid the rancor. In the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC poll, just 19% of respondents said they approved of the job Congress is doing, while 68% disapproved.
Democrats are hoping to get a boost by enacting the tougher auto- mileage standards before Christmas, but other matters, such as a farm bill to continue government price supports, are likely to wait for the new year.
Republicans suffered from the same House-Senate tensions in their 12 years of rule in Congress. But the situation is more acute now for Democrats, who must cope with both Mr. Bush's vetoes and the narrowest of margins in the Senate, leaving them vulnerable to Republican filibusters.
Democrats in the House interpret the 2006 elections as a mandate for change. They are more antiwar and more willing to shed old ways -- such as "earmarks" for legislators' pet projects -- to confront the White House. Senate Democrats, by comparison, remain more tied to tradition and institutional rules that demand consensus before taking action.
"The Senate and House are out of phase with one another," says Rep. Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee. "There was a big change last year, a big change that affected the whole House and one-third of the Senate. That's the fundamental disconnect."
Rather than move to the center after 2006, President Bush has moved right to shore up his conservative base. He has also adopted a confrontational veto strategy calculated to disrupt the new Congress and reduce its effectiveness in challenging him on Iraq.
Just yesterday, the president issued his second veto of Democrat- backed legislation to expand government-provided health insurance for the children of working-class families. In his first six years as president, Mr. Bush issued only one veto. Since Democrats took over Congress, he has issued six vetoes, and threats of more hang over the budget talks now.
For Democrats, teamwork is vital to challenging the president, and it's not always forthcoming. A comment by Charles Rangel, a New York Democrat who is chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, suggests the distant relationship between the two houses. "We have a constitutional responsibility to send legislation over there," said Rep. Rangel. "Quite frankly I don't give a damn what they feel."
Adds Wisconsin Rep. David Obey, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee: "I can tell you when bills will move and you can tell me when the Senate will sell us out."
With 2008 an election year overseen by a lame-duck president, it's unlikely that Congress will be able to break out of its slump.
Sometimes the disputes resemble play-acting. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D., Nev.) has quietly invited House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Cal.) to blame the Senate if it suits her purpose to explain the slow pace of legislation, according to a person close to Sen. Reid.
At the same time, he can use her as his foil to fend off Republican demands in the Senate: "I can't control Speaker Pelosi," he said last week in debate on an energy bill. "She is a strong independent woman. She runs the House with an iron hand."
Still, the interchamber differences have real consequences, as seen in the fight over the budget.
Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Robert Byrd of West Virginia long argued against creating a big package that would combine all the main spending bills. He preferred to confront Mr. Bush with a series of targeted individual bills where he could gain some Republican support and maintain leverage over the president. But Mr. Byrd was undercut by his leadership's failure to allow more time for debate on the Senate floor. After Labor Day, the House began pressing for a single large package.
The $522 billion proposed bill ultimately emerged from weeks of talks that included moderate Republicans. The bill cut $10.6 billion from earlier spending proposals, moving closer to Mr. Bush, while giving him new money he wanted for the State Department as well as a border-security initiative.
No new money was provided specifically for Iraq but the bill gives the Pentagon an additional $31 billion for the war in Afghanistan and body armor for troops in the field. The goal was to provide enough money for Army accounts so its funding would be adequate into April, when a fuller debate could be held on the U.S.'s plans in Iraq.
For Senate Democrats and Mr. Byrd, the effort was a gamble that a moderate center could be found to stand up to Mr. Bush. The more combative Mr. Obey, the House appropriations chairman, was never persuaded this could happen.
After the White House announced its opposition over the weekend, Mr. Obey said Monday that the budget proposal was dead unless changes were made. The effect was to divide Democrats again, instead of putting up a united front against the White House's resistance.
Mr. Obey suggested that lawmakers should be willing to strip out home-state projects, acceding to Mr. Bush's tight line on spending, if that's what it took to make a tough stand on Iraq.
"I am perfectly willing to lose every dollar on the domestic side of the ledger in order to avoid giving them money for the war without conditions," Mr. Obey said. His suggestion met strong resistance from Senate Democrats. At a party luncheon, senators were almost comic in their anger, said one colleague who was present, loudly complaining of being reduced to being "puppets" or "slaves."
On the Senate floor yesterday, Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn said Democrats were showing signs of "attention deficit disorder." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, accused the new majority of being more interested in "finger pointing" and "headlines" than legislation. "It won't get bills signed into law," he said.
While Ms. Pelosi had personally supported Mr. Obey's approach, she instructed the House committee to preserve the projects as it began a second round of spending reductions yesterday, cutting an additional $6.9 billion from the $522 billion package.
The Senate committee's Democratic staff joined in the discussions by evening, but the White House denied reports that a deal had been reached at a spending ceiling above the president's initial request.
If agreement is not reached by the end of next week, lawmakers may have to resort again to a yearlong funding resolution that effectively freezes most agencies at their current levels. This would be a repeat of the collapse of the budget process last year under Republican rule -- not the "new direction" Democrats had hoped for.
Tied in Knots
The House and Senate are struggling to complete several matters before they head home this month.
Appropriations: Only the Pentagon budget is in place for the new fiscal year that began Oct. 1. The House and Senate are struggling to finish a bill covering the rest of the government.
Farm bill: The Senate still hopes to complete its version of a farm bill but negotiations with the House will wait until next year.
AMT relief: The House and Senate have passed legislation limiting the alternative minimum tax's hit on millions of middle-class taxpayers. But they differ about whether to offset the lost revenue.
Medicare: Doctors are set to see a cut in Medicare payments in 2008, which lawmakers want to prevent. The House acted, but Senate hasn't yet.
Housing: Several bills addressing the housing crisis have passed the House but are languishing in the Senate.
more...
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immig4me
09-02 08:32 AM
USCIS - Direct Filing Addresses for Form I-485, Application to Register Permanent Residence or Adjust Status (http://www.uscis.gov/portal/site/uscis/menuitem.5af9bb95919f35e66f614176543f6d1a/?vgnextchannel=fe529c7755cb9010VgnVCM10000045f3d6a 1RCRD&vgnextoid=eb7b5cdc2c463110VgnVCM1000004718190aRCRD )
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08-15 09:25 PM
Bush, Congress Struggle in Public Eye (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/08/15/AR2007081501271.html) By DAVID ESPO | The Associated Press, August 15, 2007
WASHINGTON -- The Democratic-controlled Congress and President Bush seem locked in a perverse competition for public unfavorability, according to a new Associated Press-Ipsos poll.
The survey shows Bush's approval ratings at 35 percent, and Congress' even lower, 25 percent. Only 27 percent of those polled said the country is headed in the right direction, and 39 percent said they support the Iraq war, with 58 percent opposed.
While Bush's favorability ratings have remained relatively unchanged for months, Congress' support declined markedly between May and July, a dip confirmed in a poll of 1,003 people taken last week.
Asked whether they approve or disapprove of the way Congress is handling its job after seven months of divided government, those surveyed were then prompted to volunteer a reason.
Of the 74 percent of those expressing congressional disapproval, 22 percent said lawmakers generally aren't doing their jobs. Another 20 percent cited a specific issue for their unhappiness. Twelve percent said they disapprove of Congress because lawmakers care only about themselves and their party, while 10 percent cited backstabbing and infighting.
Among those who cited an issue, the war in Iraq was mentioned most often. It was cited by 7 percent of those disapproving of Congress' performance, followed by health care, 5 percent; immigration, 2 percent and employment and wage issues, 2 percent.
The survey was taken as Congress was beginning its August recess, providing a respite from months of unsuccessfully trying to force Bush to change course in Iraq.
Democratic leaders have vowed to renew their challenge to Bush when they return to the Capitol after Labor Day. An autumn clash also looms over federal spending, and Bush has posted veto threats against bills dealing with farm programs, expansion of children's health care and energy.
"I don't think this war is going the way it should be. We're over there for nothing," said Richard Reda, 64, of Nashua, N.H., a Vietenam War veteran and self-described political independent.
In an interview, he said, "I think Congress should go over Bush's head and get these troops back here. There's got to be a way where they can override Bush to get the troops back here."
Maria Guyan, a 28-year-old school secretary from Struthers, Ohio, agreed. Guyan described her politics as "lean Democrat" and said, "I just don't think they're doing enough to keep President Bush from basically going forward on whatever he wants."
She said Congress should focus most on withdrawing from Iraq and improving the nation's education system.
"We definitely need to get out of the war, and we need to basically just realize we cannot run another country in addition to our own," she said.
But Peggy Grandinetti, 69, a Republican from Florence, Ala., criticized Congress for not standing by Bush on the war.
"I just completely disagree of pulling out of Iraq. I think we ought to stay there and finish the job," said the retired medical assistant.
Richard Henson, 58, of Atlanta, Ga., was among the Democrats who said Congress has failed to address a problem with illegal immigration.
"The immigrants are running bills up," said the post office manager, citing health care and school taxes as examples. "We have to pay extra taxes to support illegal immigrants. I don't think they should benefit from our services that we're paying taxes on."
Wes Kangas, 65, a Republican and retired banker in Vancouver, Wash., expressed weariness. "They don't seem to get anything done. All they do is bicker back and forth. After a while it gets kind of old," he said.
Republicans were more likely to say Congress wasn't doing its job, 26 percent, while Democrats tended to cite a specific issue, 24 percent. Among independents, 22 percent said generally that lawmakers weren't doing their job, and 20 percent pointed to a specific issue, a list topped by the war in Iraq.
When it came to judging Bush, 70 percent of Republicans approved of his performance, with 27 percent disapproving. Democrats split 89-9 in disapproval, and 68 percent of independents disapproved.
Congress, by contrast, was held in disregard without regard to party.
Among independents, 73 percent said they disapproved of the way Congress was handling its job, with 23 percent expressing approval. Among Democrats, a striking 70 percent disapproved and 26 percent approved, while Republicans split, 74-23, in disapproval.
The poll's margin of error was plus or minus three percentage points.
WASHINGTON -- The Democratic-controlled Congress and President Bush seem locked in a perverse competition for public unfavorability, according to a new Associated Press-Ipsos poll.
The survey shows Bush's approval ratings at 35 percent, and Congress' even lower, 25 percent. Only 27 percent of those polled said the country is headed in the right direction, and 39 percent said they support the Iraq war, with 58 percent opposed.
While Bush's favorability ratings have remained relatively unchanged for months, Congress' support declined markedly between May and July, a dip confirmed in a poll of 1,003 people taken last week.
Asked whether they approve or disapprove of the way Congress is handling its job after seven months of divided government, those surveyed were then prompted to volunteer a reason.
Of the 74 percent of those expressing congressional disapproval, 22 percent said lawmakers generally aren't doing their jobs. Another 20 percent cited a specific issue for their unhappiness. Twelve percent said they disapprove of Congress because lawmakers care only about themselves and their party, while 10 percent cited backstabbing and infighting.
Among those who cited an issue, the war in Iraq was mentioned most often. It was cited by 7 percent of those disapproving of Congress' performance, followed by health care, 5 percent; immigration, 2 percent and employment and wage issues, 2 percent.
The survey was taken as Congress was beginning its August recess, providing a respite from months of unsuccessfully trying to force Bush to change course in Iraq.
Democratic leaders have vowed to renew their challenge to Bush when they return to the Capitol after Labor Day. An autumn clash also looms over federal spending, and Bush has posted veto threats against bills dealing with farm programs, expansion of children's health care and energy.
"I don't think this war is going the way it should be. We're over there for nothing," said Richard Reda, 64, of Nashua, N.H., a Vietenam War veteran and self-described political independent.
In an interview, he said, "I think Congress should go over Bush's head and get these troops back here. There's got to be a way where they can override Bush to get the troops back here."
Maria Guyan, a 28-year-old school secretary from Struthers, Ohio, agreed. Guyan described her politics as "lean Democrat" and said, "I just don't think they're doing enough to keep President Bush from basically going forward on whatever he wants."
She said Congress should focus most on withdrawing from Iraq and improving the nation's education system.
"We definitely need to get out of the war, and we need to basically just realize we cannot run another country in addition to our own," she said.
But Peggy Grandinetti, 69, a Republican from Florence, Ala., criticized Congress for not standing by Bush on the war.
"I just completely disagree of pulling out of Iraq. I think we ought to stay there and finish the job," said the retired medical assistant.
Richard Henson, 58, of Atlanta, Ga., was among the Democrats who said Congress has failed to address a problem with illegal immigration.
"The immigrants are running bills up," said the post office manager, citing health care and school taxes as examples. "We have to pay extra taxes to support illegal immigrants. I don't think they should benefit from our services that we're paying taxes on."
Wes Kangas, 65, a Republican and retired banker in Vancouver, Wash., expressed weariness. "They don't seem to get anything done. All they do is bicker back and forth. After a while it gets kind of old," he said.
Republicans were more likely to say Congress wasn't doing its job, 26 percent, while Democrats tended to cite a specific issue, 24 percent. Among independents, 22 percent said generally that lawmakers weren't doing their job, and 20 percent pointed to a specific issue, a list topped by the war in Iraq.
When it came to judging Bush, 70 percent of Republicans approved of his performance, with 27 percent disapproving. Democrats split 89-9 in disapproval, and 68 percent of independents disapproved.
Congress, by contrast, was held in disregard without regard to party.
Among independents, 73 percent said they disapproved of the way Congress was handling its job, with 23 percent expressing approval. Among Democrats, a striking 70 percent disapproved and 26 percent approved, while Republicans split, 74-23, in disapproval.
The poll's margin of error was plus or minus three percentage points.
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greencardfever
06-14 03:59 PM
I'm in the same situation, could someone please answer atul555's question.
vidyas_m
01-30 07:59 PM
I am currently in my 6th year of H1-B. I started working for my current company on H1-b work visa in June 2010. As my 6 year visa period expires in June 2011, I need to apply for a H1-b extension (based on I-140 approval) pretty soon. My employer had paid the $1500 ACWIA fee recently i.e. 8 months ago, when they filed for my H1-b the first time. Next month, when they apply for an extension of my H1, do they have to pay the $1500 ACWIA fee again?
In I-129 instructions, it specifies that one of the exemptions for paying the ACWIA fee is "second or subsequent extension...". Would my case be considered a subsequent or second extension?
I would greatly appreciate your response.
Thanks much.
In I-129 instructions, it specifies that one of the exemptions for paying the ACWIA fee is "second or subsequent extension...". Would my case be considered a subsequent or second extension?
I would greatly appreciate your response.
Thanks much.
Blog Feeds
09-09 07:30 PM
This is a major setback for the antis and for Kris Kobach, the architect of these laws who has assured city councils that these laws are designed to withstand legal challenges. From the ACLU: This is a major setback for the antis. From the ACLU: The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit today issued a sweeping decision striking down as unconstitutional the city of Hazleton's law that would punish landlords and employers who are accused of renting to or hiring anyone the city classifies as an "illegal alien." The case, Lozano v. Hazleton, has been closely watched across...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/09/appeals-court-strikes-down-hazleton-pa-law.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/09/appeals-court-strikes-down-hazleton-pa-law.html)
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